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Something Every Buddhist Should Know

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2005-12-10, 12:41 pm

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Friendly Feudalism: The Tibet Myth
by Michael Parenti
July 7, 2003

Throughout the ages there has prevailed a distressing symbiosis between
religion and violence. The histories of Christianity, Judaism,
Hinduism, and Islam are heavily laced with internecine vendettas,
inquisitions, and wars. Again and again, religionists have claimed a
divine mandate to terrorize and massacre heretics, infidels, and other
sinners.

Some people have argued that Buddhism is different, that it stands in
marked contrast to the chronic violence of other religions. But a
glance at history reveals that Buddhist organizations throughout the
centuries have not been free of the violent pursuits so characteristic
of other religious groups. (1) In the twentieth century alone, from
Thailand to Burma to Korea to Japan, Buddhists have clashed with each
other and with nonBuddhists. In Sri Lanka, huge battles in the name of
Buddhism are part of Sinhalese history. (2)

Just a few years ago in South Korea, thousands of monks of the Chogye
Buddhist order---reputedly devoted to a meditative search for spiritual
enlightenment---fought each other with fists, rocks, fire-bombs, and
clubs, in pitched battles that went on for weeks. They were vying for
control of the order, the largest in South Korea, with its annual
budget of $9.2 million, its additional millions of dollars in property,
and the privilege of appointing 1,700 monks to various duties. The
brawls left dozens of monks injured, some seriously. (3)

But many present-day Buddhists in the United States would argue that
none of this applies to the Dalai Lama and the Tibet he presided over
before the Chinese crackdown in 1959. The Dalai Lama's Tibet, they
believe, was a spiritually oriented kingdom, free from the egotistical
lifestyles, empty materialism, pointless pursuits, and corrupting vices
that beset modern industrialized society. Western news media, and a
slew of travel books, novels, and Hollywood films have portrayed the
Tibetan theocracy as a veritable Shangri-La and the Dalai Lama as a
wise saint, "the greatest living human," as actor Richard Gere gushed.
(4)

The Dalai Lama himself lent support to this idealized image of Tibet
with statements such as: "Tibetan civilization has a long and rich
history. The pervasive influence of Buddhism and the rigors of life
amid the wide open spaces of an unspoiled environment resulted in a
society dedicated to peace and harmony. We enjoyed freedom and
contentment." (5) In fact, Tibet's history reads a little differently.
In the thirteenth century, Emperor Kublai Khan created the first Grand
Lama, who was to preside over all the other lamas as might a pope over
his bishops. Several centuries later, the Emperor of China sent an army
into Tibet to support the Grand Lama, an ambitious 25-year-old man, who
then gave himself the title of Dalai (Ocean) Lama, ruler of all Tibet.
Here is a historical irony: the first Dalai Lama was installed by a
Chinese army.

To elevate his authority beyond worldly challenge, the first Dalai Lama
seized monasteries that did not belong to his sect, and is believed to
have destroyed Buddhist writings that conflicted with his claim to
divinity. (6) The Dalai Lama who succeeded him pursued a sybaritic
life, enjoying many mistresses, partying with friends, writing erotic
poetry, and acting in other ways that might seem unfitting for an
incarnate deity. For this he was "disappeared" by his priests. Within
170 years, despite their recognized status as gods, five Dalai Lamas
were murdered by their enlightened nonviolent Buddhist courtiers. (7)

Shangri-La (for Lords and Lamas)

Religions have had a close relationship not only to violence but to
economic exploitation. Indeed, it is often the economic exploitation
that necessitates the violence. Such was the case with the Tibetan
theocracy. Until 1959, when the Dalai Lama last presided over Tibet,
most of the arable land was still organized into religious or secular
manorial estates worked by serfs. Even a writer like Pradyumna Karan,
sympathetic to the old order, admits that "a great deal of real estate
belonged to the monasteries, and most of them amassed great riches. . .
.. In addition, individual monks and lamas were able to accumulate great
wealth through active participation in trade, commerce, and money
lending." (8) Drepung monastery was one of the biggest landowners in
the world, with its 185 manors, 25,000 serfs, 300 great pastures, and
16,000 herdsmen. The wealth of the monasteries went to the
higher-ranking lamas, many of them scions of aristocratic families,
while most of the lower clergy were as poor as the peasant class from
which they sprang. This class-determined economic inequality within the
Tibetan clergy closely parallels that of the Christian clergy in
medieval Europe.

Along with the upper clergy, secular leaders did well. A notable
example was the commander-in-chief of the Tibetan army, who owned 4,000
square kilometers of land and 3,500 serfs. He also was a member of the
Dalai Lama's lay Cabinet. (9) Old Tibet has been misrepresented by some
of its Western admirers as "a nation that required no police force
because its people voluntarily observed the laws of karma." (10) In
fact. it had a professional army, albeit a small one, that served as a
gendarmerie for the landlords to keep order and catch runaway serfs.
(11)

Young Tibetan boys were regularly taken from their families and brought
into the monasteries to be trained as monks. Once there, they became
bonded for life. Tash=EC-Tsering, a monk, reports that it was common
practice for peasant children to be sexually mistreated in the
monasteries. He himself was a victim of repeated childhood rape not
long after he was taken into the monastery at age nine. (12) The
monastic estates also conscripted peasant children for lifelong
servitude as domestics, dance performers, and soldiers.

In Old Tibet there were small numbers of farmers who subsisted as a
kind of free peasantry, and perhaps an additional 10,000 people who
composed the "middle-class" families of merchants, shopkeepers, and
small traders. Thousands of others were beggars. A small minority were
slaves, usually domestic servants, who owned nothing. Their offspring
were born into slavery. (13)

In 1953, the greater part of the rural population -- some 700,000 of an
estimated total population of 1,250,000 -- were serfs. Tied to the
land, they were allotted only a small parcel to grow their own food.
Serfs and other peasants generally went without schooling or medical
care. They spent most of their time laboring for the monasteries and
individual high-ranking lamas, or for a secular aristocracy that
numbered not more than 200 wealthy families. In effect, they were owned
by their masters who told them what crops to grow and what animals to
raise. They could not get married without the consent of their lord or
lama. A serf might easily be separated from his family should the owner
send him to work in a distant location. Serfs could be sold by their
masters, or subjected to torture and death. (14)

A Tibetan lord would often take his pick of females in the serf
population, if we are to believe one 22-year old woman, herself a
runaway serf: "All pretty serf girls were usually taken by the owner as
house servants and used as he wished." They "were just slaves without
rights." (15) Serfs needed permission to go anywhere. Landowners had
legal authority to capture and forcibly bring back those who tried to
flee. A 24-year old runaway serf, interviewed by Anna Louise Strong,
welcomed the Chinese intervention as a "liberation." During his time as
a serf he claims he was not much different from a draft animal,
subjected to incessant toil, hunger, and cold, unable to read or write,
and knowing nothing at all. He tells of his attempts to flee:
The first time [the landlord's men] caught me running away, I was very
small, and they only cuffed me and cursed me. The second time they beat
me up. The third time I was already fifteen and they gave me fifty
heavy lashes, with two men sitting on me, one on my head and one on my
feet. Blood came then from my nose and mouth. The overseer said: "This
is only blood from the nose; maybe you take heavier sticks and bring
some blood from the brain." They beat then with heavier sticks and
poured alcohol and water with caustic soda on the wounds to make more
pain. I passed out for two hours. (16)
In addition to being under a lifetime bond to work the lord's land --
or the monastery's land -- without pay, the serfs were obliged to
repair the lord's houses, transport his crops, and collect his
firewood. They were also expected to provide carrying animals and
transportation on demand. "It was an efficient system of economic
exploitation that guaranteed to the country's religious and secular
elites a permanent and secure labor force to cultivate their land
holdings without burdening them either with any direct day-to-day
responsibility for the serf's subsistence and without the need to
compete for labor in a market context." (17)

The common people labored under the twin burdens of the corv=E9e (forced
unpaid labor on behalf of the lord) and onerous tithes. They were taxed
upon getting married, taxed for the birth of each child, and for every
death in the family. They were taxed for planting a new tree in their
yard, for keeping domestic or barnyard animals, for owning a flower
pot, or putting a bell on an animal. There were taxes for religious
festivals, for singing, dancing, drumming, and bell ringing. People
were taxed for being sent to prison and upon being released. Even
beggars were taxed. Those who could not find work were taxed for being
unemployed, and if they traveled to another village in search of work,
they paid a passage tax. When people could not pay, the monasteries
lent them money at 20 to 50 percent interest. Some debts were handed
down from father to son to grandson. Debtors who could not meet their
obligations risked being placed into slavery for as long as the
monastery demanded, sometimes for the rest of their lives. (18)

The theocracy's religious teachings buttressed its class order. The
poor and afflicted were taught that they had brought their troubles
upon themselves because of their foolish and wicked ways in previous
lives. Hence they had to accept the misery of their present existence
as an atonement and in anticipation that their lot would improve upon
being reborn. The rich and powerful of course treated their good
fortune as a reward for -- and tangible evidence of -- virtue in past
and present lives.

Torture and Mutilation in Shanghri-La

In the Dalai Lama's Tibet, torture and mutilation -- including eye
gouging, the pulling out of tongues, hamstringing, and amputation of
arms and legs -- were favored punishments inflicted upon thieves,
runaway serfs, and other "criminals." Journeying through Tibet in the
1960s, Stuart and Roma Gelder interviewed a former serf, Tsereh Wang
Tuei, who had stolen two sheep belonging to a monastery. For this he
had both his eyes gouged out and his hand mutilated beyond use. He
explains that he no longer is a Buddhist: "When a holy lama told them
to blind me I thought there was no good in religion." (19) Some Western
visitors to Old Tibet remarked on the number of amputees to be seen.
Since it was against Buddhist teachings to take human life, some
offenders were severely lashed and then "left to God" in the freezing
night to die. "The parallels between Tibet and medieval Europe are
striking," concludes Tom Grunfeld in his book on Tibet. (20)

Some monasteries had their own private prisons, reports Anna Louise
Strong. In 1959, she visited an exhibition of torture equipment that
had been used by the Tibetan overlords. There were handcuffs of all
sizes, including small ones for children, and instruments for cutting
off noses and ears, and breaking off hands. For gouging out eyes, there
was a special stone cap with two holes in it that was pressed down over
the head so that the eyes bulged out through the holes and could be
more readily torn out. There were instruments for slicing off kneecaps
and heels, or hamstringing legs. There were hot brands, whips, and
special implements for disembowling. (21)

The exhibition presented photographs and testimonies of victims who had
been blinded or crippled or suffered amputations for thievery. There
was the shepherd whose master owed him a reimbursement in yuan and
wheat but refused to pay. So he took one of the master's cows; for this
he had his hands severed. Another herdsman, who opposed having his wife
taken from him by his lord, had his hands broken off. There were
pictures of Communist activists with noses and upper lips cut off, and
a woman who was raped and then had her nose sliced away. (22)

Theocratic despotism had been the rule for generations. An English
visitor to Tibet in 1895, Dr. A. L. Waddell, wrote that the Tibetan
people were under the "intolerable tyranny of monks" and the devil
superstitions they had fashioned to terrorize the people. In 1904
Perceval Landon described the Dalai Lama's rule as "an engine of
oppression" and "a barrier to all human improvement." At about that
time, another English traveler, Captain W.F.T. O'Connor, observed that
"the great landowners and the priests . . . exercise each in their own
dominion a despotic power from which there is no appeal," while the
people are "oppressed by the most monstrous growth of monasticism and
priest-craft the world has ever seen." Tibetan rulers, like those of
Europe during the Middle Ages, "forged innumerable weapons of
servitude, invented degrading legends and stimulated a spirit of
superstition" among the common people. (23)

In 1937, another visitor, Spencer Chapman, wrote, "The Lamaist monk
does not spend his time in ministering to the people or educating them,
nor do laymen take part in or even attend the monastery services. The
beggar beside the road is nothing to the monk. Knowledge is the
jealously guarded prerogative of the monasteries and is used to
increase their influence and wealth." (24)

Occupation and Revolt

The Chinese Communists occupied Tibet in 1951, claiming suzerainty over
that country. The 1951 treaty provided for ostensible self-government
under the Dalai Lama's rule but gave China military control and
exclusive right to conduct foreign relations. The Chinese were also
granted a direct role in internal administration "to promote social
reforms." At first, they moved slowly, relying mostly on persuasion in
an attempt to effect change. Among the earliest reforms they wrought
was to reduce usurious interest rates, and build some hospitals and
roads.

Mao Zedung and his Communist cadres did not simply want to occupy
Tibet. They desired the Dalai Lama's cooperation in transforming
Tibet's feudal economy in accordance with socialist goals. Even Melvyn
Goldstein, who is sympathetic to the Dalai Lama and the cause of
Tibetan independence, allows that "contrary to popular belief in the
West," the Chinese "pursued a policy of moderation." They took care "to
show respect for Tibetan culture and religion" and "allowed the old
feudal and monastic systems to continue unchanged. Between 1951 and
1959, not only was no aristocratic or monastic property confiscated,
but feudal lords were permitted to exercise continued judicial
authority over their hereditarily bound peasants." (25) As late as
1957, Mao Zedung was trying to salvage his gradualist policy. He
reduced the number of Chinese cadre and troops in Tibet and promised
the Dalai Lama in writing that China would not implement land reforms
in Tibet for the next six years or even longer if conditions were not
yet ripe. (26)

Nevertheless, Chinese rule over Tibet greatly discomforted the lords
and lamas. What bothered them most was not that the intruders were
Chinese. They had seen Chinese come and go over the centuries and had
enjoyed good relations with Generalissimo Chiang Kaishek and his
reactionary Kuomintang rule in China. (27) Indeed the approval of the
Kuomintang government was needed to validate the choice of the
present-day Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama. When the young Dalai Lama was
installed in Lhasa, it was with an armed escort of Chiang Kaishek's
troops and an attending Chinese minister, in accordance with
centuries-old tradition. (28) What really bothered the Tibetan lords
and lamas was that these latest Chinese were Communists. It would be
only a matter of time, they were sure, before the Communists started
imposing their egalitarian and collectivist solutions upon the highly
privileged theocracy.

In 1956-57, armed Tibetan bands ambushed convoys of the Chinese Peoples
Liberation Army (PLA). The uprising received extensive material support
from the CIA, including arms, supplies, and military training for
Tibetan commando units. It is a matter of public knowledge that the CIA
set up support camps in Nepal, carried out numerous airlifts, and
conducted guerrilla operations inside Tibet. (29) Meanwhile in the
United States, the American Society for a Free Asia, a CIA front,
energetically publicized the cause of Tibetan resistance. The Dalai
Lama's eldest brother, Thubtan Norbu, played an active role in that
group.

Many of the Tibetan commandos and agents whom the CIA dropped into the
country were chiefs of aristocratic clans or the sons of chiefs. Ninety
percent of them were never heard from again, according to a report from
the CIA itself. (30) The small and thinly spread PLA garrisons in Tibet
could not have captured them all. The PLA must have received support
from Tibetans who did not sympathize with the uprising. This suggests
that the resistance had a rather narrow base within Tibet. "Many lamas
and lay members of the elite and much of the Tibetan army joined the
uprising, but in the main the populace did not, assuring its failure,"
writes Hugh Deane. (31) In their book on Tibet, Ginsburg and Mathos
reach a similar conclusion: "The Tibetan insurgents never succeeded in
mustering into their ranks even a large fraction of the population at
hand, to say nothing of a majority. As far as can be ascertained, the
great bulk of the common people of Lhasa and of the adjoining
countryside failed to join in the fighting against the Chinese both
when it first began and as it progressed." (32) Eventually the
resistance crumbled.

The Communists Overthrow Feudalism

Whatever wrongs and new oppressions introduced by the Chinese in Tibet
after 1959, they did abolish slavery and the serfdom system of unpaid
labor. They eliminated the many crushing taxes, started work projects,
and greatly reduced unemployment and beggary. They built the only
hospitals that exist in the country, and established secular education,
thereby breaking the educational monopoly of the monasteries. They
constructed running water and electrical systems in Lhasa. They also
put an end to floggings, mutilations, and amputations as a form of
criminal punishment. (33)

The Chinese also expropriated the landed estates and reorganized the
peasants into hundreds of communes. Heinrich Harrer wrote a bestseller
about his experiences in Tibet that was made into a popular Hollywood
movie. (It was later revealed that Harrer had been a sergeant in
Hitler's SS. (34)) He proudly reports that the Tibetans who resisted
the Chinese and "who gallantly defended their independence . . . were
predominantly nobles, semi-nobles and lamas; they were punished by
being made to perform the lowliest tasks, such as laboring on roads and
bridges. They were further humiliated by being made to clean up the
city before the tourists arrived." They also had to live in a camp
originally reserved for beggars and vagrants. (35)

By 1961, hundreds of thousands of acres formerly owned by the lords and
lamas had been distributed to tenant farmers and landless peasants. In
pastoral areas, herds that were once owned by nobility were turned over
to collectives of poor shepherds. Improvements were made in the
breeding of livestock, and new varieties of vegetables and new strains
of wheat and barley were introduced, along with irrigation
improvements, leading to an increase in agrarian production. (36)

Many peasants remained as religious as ever, giving alms to the clergy.
But people were no longer compelled to pay tributes or make gifts to
the monasteries and lords. The many monks who had been conscripted into
the religious orders as children were now free to renounce the monastic
life, and thousands did, especially the younger ones. The remaining
clergy lived on modest government stipends, and extra income earned by
officiating at prayer services, weddings, and funerals. (37)

The charges made by the Dalai Lama himself about Chinese mass
sterilization and forced deportation of Tibetans have remained
unsupported by any evidence. Both the Dalai Lama and his advisor and
youngest brother, Tendzin Choegyal, claimed that "more than 1.2 million
Tibetans are dead as a result of the Chinese occupation." (38) No
matter how often stated, that figure is puzzling. The official 1953
census -- six years before the Chinese crackdown -- recorded the entire
population of Tibet at 1,274,000. Other estimates varied from one to
three million. (39) Later census counts put the ethnic Tibetan
population within the country at about two million. If the Chinese
killed 1.2 million in the early 1960s then whole cities and huge
portions of the countryside, indeed almost all of Tibet, would have
been depopulated, transformed into a killing field dotted with death
camps and mass graves -- of which we have seen no evidence. The Chinese
military force in Tibet was not big enough to round up, hunt down, and
exterminate that many people even if it had spent all its time doing
nothing else.

Chinese authorities do admit to "mistakes" in the past, particularly
during the 1966-76 Cultural Revolution when religious persecution
reached a high tide in both China and Tibet. After the uprising in the
late 1950s, thousands of Tibetans were incarcerated. During the Great
Leap Forward, forced collectivization and grain farming was imposed on
the peasantry, sometimes with disastrous effect. In the late 1970s,
China began relaxing controls over Tibet "and tried to undo some of the
damage wrought during the previous two decades." (40) In 1980, the
Chinese government initiated reforms reportedly designed to grant Tibet
a greater degree of self-rule and self-administration. Tibetans would
now be allowed to cultivate private plots, sell their harvest
surpluses, decide for themselves what crops to grow, and keep yaks and
sheep. Communication with the outside world was again permitted, and
frontier controls were eased to permit Tibetans to visit exiled
relatives in India and Nepal. (41)

Elites, =C9migr=E9s, and CIA Money

For the Tibetan upper class lamas and lords, the Communist intervention
was a calamity. Most of them fled abroad, as did the Dalai Lama
himself, who was assisted in his flight by the CIA. Some discovered to
their horror that they would have to work for a living. Those feudal
elites who remained in Tibet and decided to cooperate with the new
regime faced difficult adjustments. Consider the following:

In 1959, Anna Louise Strong visited the Central Institute of National
Minorities in Beijing which trained various ethnic minorities for the
civil service or prepared them for entrance into agricultural and
medical schools. Of the 900 Tibetan students attending, most were
runaway serfs and slaves. But about 100 were from privileged Tibetan
families, sent by their parents so that they might win favorable posts
in the new administration. The class divide between these two groups of
students was all too evident. As the institute's director noted:
Those from noble families at first consider that in all ways they are
superior. They resent having to carry their own suitcases, make their
own beds, look after their own room. This, they think, is the task of
slaves; they are insulted because we expect them to do this. Some never
accept it but go home; others accept it at last. The serfs at first
fear the others and cannot sit at ease in the same room. In the next
stage they have less fear but still feel separate and cannot mix. Only
after some time and considerable discussion do they reach the stage in
which they mix easily as fellow students, criticizing and helping each
other. (42)
The =E9migr=E9s' plight received fulsome play in the West and substantial
support from U.S. agencies dedicated to making the world safe for
economic inequality. Throughout the 1960s the Tibetan exile community
secretly received $1.7 million a year from the CIA, according to
documents released by the State Department in 1998. Once this fact was
publicized, the Dalai Lama's organization itself issued a statement
admitting that it had received millions of dollars from the CIA during
the 1960s to send armed squads of exiles into Tibet to undermine the
Maoist revolution. The Dalai Lama's annual share was $186,000, making
him a paid agent of the CIA. Indian intelligence also financed him and
other Tibetan exiles. (43) He has refused to say whether he or his
brothers worked with the CIA. The agency has also declined to comment.
(44)

While presenting himself as a defender of human rights, and having won
the Nobel Peace Prize in 1989, the Dalai Lama continued to associate
with and be advised by aristocratic =E9migr=E9s and other reactionaries
during his exile. In 1995, the Raleigh, N.C. News & Observer carried a
frontpage color photograph of the Dalai Lama being embraced by the
reactionary Republican senator Jesse Helms, under the headline
"Buddhist Captivates Hero of Religious Right." (45) In April 1999,
along with Margaret Thatcher, Pope John Paul II, and the first George
Bush, the Dalai Lama called upon the British government to release
Augusto Pinochet, the former fascist dictator of Chile and a longtime
CIA client who had been apprehended while visiting England. He urged
that Pinochet be allowed to return to his homeland rather than be
forced to go to Spain where he was wanted by a Spanish jurist to stand
trial for crimes against humanity.

Today, mostly through the National Endowment for Democracy and other
conduits that are more respectable-sounding than the CIA, the US
Congress continues to allocate an annual $2 million to Tibetans in
India, with additional millions for "democracy activities" within the
Tibetan exile community. The Dalai Lama also gets money from financier
George Soros, who now runs the CIA-created Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty and other institutes. (46)

The Question of Culture

We are told that when the Dalai Lama ruled Tibet, the people lived in
contented symbiosis with their monastic and secular lords, in a social
order sustained by a deeply spiritual, nonviolent culture. The
peasantry's profound connection to the existing system of sacred belief
supposedly gave them a tranquil stability, inspired by humane and
pacific religious teachings. One is reminded of the idealized imagery
of feudal Europe presented by latter-day conservative Catholics such as
G=2E K. Chesterton and Hilaire Belloc. For them, medieval Christendom was
a world of contented peasants living in deep spiritual bond with their
Church, under the protection of their lords. (47) The Shangri-La image
of Tibet bears no more resemblance to historic reality than does the
romanticized image of medieval Europe.

It might be said that we denizens of the modern secular world cannot
grasp the equations of happiness and pain, contentment and custom, that
characterize more "spiritual" and "traditional" societies. This may be
true, and it may explain why some of us idealize such societies. But
still, a gouged eye is a gouged eye; a flogging is a flogging; and the
grinding exploitation of serfs and slaves is still a brutal class
injustice whatever its cultural embellishments. There is a difference
between a spiritual bond and human bondage, even when both exist side
by side.

To be sure, there is much about the Chinese intervention that is to be
deplored. In the 1990s, the Han, the largest ethnic group comprising
over 95 percent of China's vast population, began moving in substantial
numbers into Tibet and various western provinces. (48) These
resettlements have had an effect on the indigenous cultures of western
China and Tibet. On the streets of Lhasa and Shigatse, signs of Chinese
preeminence are readily visible. Chinese run the factories and many of
the shops and vending stalls. Tall office buildings and large shopping
centers have been built with funds that might have been better spent on
water treatment plants and housing.

Chinese cadres in Tibet too often adopted a supremacist attitude toward
the indigenous population. Some viewed their Tibetan neighbors as
backward and lazy, in need of economic development and "patriotic
education." During the 1990s Tibetan government employees suspected of
harboring nationalist sympathies were purged from office, and campaigns
were launched to discredit the Dalai Lama. Individual Tibetans
reportedly were subjected to arrest, imprisonment, and forced labor for
attempting to flee the country, and for carrying out separatist
activities and engaging in political "subversion." Some arrestees were
held in administrative detention without adequate food, water, and
blankets, subjected to threats, beatings, and other mistreatment. (49)

Chinese family planning regulations that allow a three-child limit for
Tibetan families have been enforced irregularly and vary by district.
If a couple goes over the limit, the excess children can be denied
subsidized daycare, health care, housing, and education. Meanwhile,
Tibetan history, culture, and religion are slighted in schools.
Teaching materials, though translated into Tibetan, focus on Chinese
history and culture. (50)

Still, the new order has its supporters. A 1999 story in The Washington
Post notes that the Dalai Lama continues to be revered in Tibet, but
.. . . few Tibetans would welcome a return of the corrupt aristocratic
clans that fled with him in 1959 and that comprise the bulk of his
advisers. Many Tibetan farmers, for example, have no interest in
surrendering the land they gained during China's land reform to the
clans. Tibet's former slaves say they, too, don't want their former
masters to return to power.

"I've already lived that life once before," said Wangchuk, a
67-year-old former slave who was wearing his best clothes for his
yearly pilgrimage to Shigatse, one of the holiest sites of Tibetan
Buddhism. He said he worshipped the Dalai Lama, but added, "I may not
be free under Chinese communism, but I am better off than when I was a
slave." (51)
To support the Chinese overthrow of the Dalai Lama's feudal theocracy
is not to applaud everything about Chinese rule in Tibet. This point is
seldom understood by today's Shangri-La adherents in the West.

The converse is also true. To denounce the Chinese occupation does not
mean we have to romanticize the former feudal r=E9gime. One common
complaint among Buddhist proselytes in the West is that Tibet's
religious culture is being destroyed by the Chinese authorities. This
does seem to be the case. But what I am questioning here is the
supposedly admirable and pristinely spiritual nature of that
pre-invasion culture. In short, we can advocate religious freedom and
independence for Tibet without having to embrace the mythology of a
Paradise Lost.

Finally, it should be noted that the criticism posed herein is not
intended as a personal attack on the Dalai Lama. He appears to be a
nice enough individual, who speaks often of peace, love, and
nonviolence. In 1994, in an interview with Melvyn Goldstein, he went on
record as having been since his youth in favor of building schools,
"machines," and roads in his country. He claims that he thought the
corv=E9e and certain taxes imposed on the peasants "were extremely bad."
And he disliked the way people were saddled with old debts sometimes
passed down from generation to generation. (52) Furthermore, he
reportedly has established "a government-in-exile" featuring a written
constitution, a representative assembly, and other democratic
essentials. (53)

Like many erstwhile rulers, the Dalai Lama sounds much better out of
power than in power. Keep in mind that it took a Chinese occupation and
almost forty years of exile for him to propose democracy for Tibet and
to criticize the oppressive feudal autocracy of which he himself was
the apotheosis. But his criticism of the old order comes far too late
for ordinary Tibetans. Many of them want him back in their country, but
it appears that relatively few want a return to the social order he
represented.

In a book published in 1996, the Dalai Lama proffered a remarkable
statement that must have sent shudders through the exile community. It
reads in part as follows:
Of all the modern economic theories, the economic system of Marxism is
founded on moral principles, while capitalism is concerned only with
gain and profitability. Marxism is concerned with the distribution of
wealth on an equal basis and the equitable utilization of the means of
production. It is also concerned with the fate of the working
classes-that is the majority -- as well as with the fate of those who
are underprivileged and in need, and Marxism cares about the victims of
minority-imposed exploitation. For those reasons the system appeals to
me, and it seems fair. . . .

The failure of the regime in the Soviet Union was, for me not the
failure of Marxism but the failure of totalitarianism. For this reason
I think of myself as half-Marxist, half-Buddhist. (54)
And more recently in 2001, while visiting California, he remarked that
"Tibet, materially, is very, very backward. Spiritually it is quite
rich. But spirituality can't fill our stomachs." (55) Here is a message
that should be heeded by the affluent well-fed Buddhist proselytes in
the West who cannot be bothered with material considerations as they
romanticize feudal Tibet.

Buddhism and the Dalai Lama aside, what I have tried to challenge is
the Tibet myth, the Paradise Lost image of a social order that was
little more than a despotic retrograde theocracy of serfdom and
poverty, so damaging to the human spirit, where vast wealth was
accumulated by a favored few who lived high and mighty off the blood,
sweat, and tears of the many. For most of the Tibetan aristocrats in
exile, that is the world to which they fervently desire to return. It
is a long way from Shangri-La.

=B7 =B7 =B7 =B7 =B7 =B7

Michael Parenti is an internationally known author and lecturer. He is
one of the nation's leading progressive political analysts. Parenti
received his Ph.D. in political science from Yale university in 1962.
He has taught at a number of colleges and universities, in the United
States and abroad. Parenti's most recent books are To Kill a Nation
(Verso); The Terrorism Trap (City Lights); and The Assassination of
Julius Caesar: A People's History of Ancient Rome (New Press). You can
find more information about Michael Parenti at michaelparenti.org.

Do you wish to share your opinion? We invite your comments. E-mail the
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=B7 =B7 =B7 =B7 =B7 =B7
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Seeing Through It All - Poem by Scott Orlovsky

Notes

1=2E Melvyn C. Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet,
and the Dalai Lama (Berkeley: university of California Press, 1995),
6-16. (back)

2=2E Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God, (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 2000), 113. (back)

3=2E Kyong-Hwa Seok, "Korean monk gangs battle for temple turf," San
Francisco Examiner, December 3, 1998. (back)

4=2E Gere quoted in "Our Little Secret," CounterPunch, 1-15 November
1997. (back)

5=2E Dalai Lama quoted in Donald Lopez Jr., Prisoners of Shangri-La:
Tibetan Buddhism and the West (Chicago and London: Chicago University
Press, 1998), 205. (back)

6=2E Stuart Gelder and Roma Gelder, The Timely Rain: Travels in New
Tibet (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1964), 119. (back)

7=2E Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 123. (back)

8=2E Pradyumna P. Karan, The Changing Face of Tibet: The Impact of
Chinese Communist Ideology on the Landscape (Lexington, Kentucky:
University Press of Kentucky, 1976), 64. (back)

9=2E Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 62 and 174. (back)

10. As skeptically noted by Lopez, Prisoners of Shangri-La, 9. (back)

11. See the testimony of one serf who himself had been hunted down by
Tibetan soldiers and returned to his master: Anna Louise Strong,
Tibetan Interviews (Peking: New World Press, 1929), 29-30 90. (back)

12. Melvyn Goldstein, William Siebenschuh, and Tash=EC-Tsering, The
Struggle for Modern Tibet: The Autobiography of Tash=EC-Tsering (Armonk,
N=2EY.: M.E. Sharpe, 1997). (back)

13. Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 110. (back)

14. Strong, Tibetan Interviews, 15, 19-21, 24. (back)

15. Quoted in Strong, Tibetan Interviews, 25. (back)

16. Strong, Tibetan Interviews, 31. (back)

17. Melvyn C. Goldstein, A History of Modern Tibet 1913-1951
(Berkeley: university of California Press, 1989), 5. (back)

18. Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 175-176; and Strong, Tibetan
Interviews, 25-26. (back)

19. Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 113. (back)

20. A. Tom Grunfeld, The Making of Modern Tibet rev. ed. (Armonk, N.Y.
and London: 1996), 9 and 7-33 for a general discussion of feudal Tibet;
see also Felix Greene, A Curtain of Ignorance (Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday, 1961), 241-249; Goldstein, A History of Modern Tibet
1913-1951, 3-5; and Lopez, Prisoners of Shangri-La, passim. (back)

21. Strong, Tibetan Interviews, 91-92. (back)

22. Strong, Tibetan Interviews, 92-96. (back)

23. Waddell, Landon, and O'Connor are quoted in Gelder and Gelder, The
Timely Rain, 123-125. (back)

24. Quoted in Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 125. (back)

25. Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon, 52. (back)

26. Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon, 54. (back)

27. Heinrich Harrer, Return to Tibet (New York: Schocken, 1985), 29.
(back)

28. Strong, Tibetan Interview, 73. (back)

29. See Kenneth Conboy and James Morrison, The CIA's Secret War in
Tibet (Lawrence, Kansas: university of Kansas Press, 2002); and William
Leary, "Secret Mission to Tibet," Air & Space, December 1997/January
1998. (back)

30. Leary, "Secret Mission to Tibet." (back)

31. Hugh Deane, "The Cold War in Tibet," CovertAction Quarterly
(Winter 1987). (back)

32. George Ginsburg and Michael Mathos Communist China and Tibet
(1964), quoted in Deane, "The Cold War in Tibet." Deane notes that
author Bina Roy reached a similar conclusion. (back)

33. See Greene, A Curtain of Ignorance, 248 and passim; and Grunfeld,
The Making of Modern Tibet, passim. (back)

34. Los Angeles Times, 18 August 1997. (back)

35. Harrer, Return to Tibet, 54. (back)

36. Karan, The Changing Face of Tibet, 36-38, 41, 57-58; London Times,
4 July 1966. (back)

37. Gelder and Gelder, The Timely Rain, 29 and 47-48. (back)

38. Tendzin Choegyal, "The Truth about Tibet," Imprimis (publication
of Hillsdale College, Michigan), April 1999. (back)

39. Karan, The Changing Face of Tibet, 52-53. (back)

40. Elaine Kurtenbach, Associate Press report, San Francisco
Chronicle, 12 February 1998. (back)

41. Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon, 47-48. (back)

42. Strong, Tibetan Interviews, 15-16. (back)

43. Jim Mann, "CIA Gave Aid to Tibetan Exiles in '60s, Files Show,"
Los Angeles Times, 15 September 1998; and New York Times, 1 October,
1998. (back)

44. Reuters report, San Francisco Chronicle, 27 January 1997. (back)

45. News & Observer, 6 September 1995, cited in Lopez, Prisoners of
Shangri-La, 3. (back)

46. Heather Cottin, "George Soros, Imperial Wizard," CovertAction
Quarterly no. 74 (Fall 2002). (back)

47. The Gelders draw this comparison, The Timely Rain, 64. (back)

48. The Han have also moved into Xinjiang, a large northwest province
about the size of Tibet, populated by Uighurs; see Peter Hessler, "The
Middleman," New Yorker, 14 & 21 October 2002. (back)

49. Report by the International Committee of Lawyers for Tibet, A
Generation in Peril (Berkeley Calif.: 2001), passim. (back)

50. International Committee of Lawyers for Tibet, A Generation in
Peril, 66-68, 98. (back)

51. John Pomfret, "Tibet Caught in China's Web," Washington Post, 23
July 1999. (back)

52. Goldstein, The Snow Lion and the Dragon, 51. (back)

53. Tendzin Choegyal, "The Truth about Tibet." (back)

54. The Dalai Lama in Marianne Dresser (ed.), Beyond Dogma: Dialogues
and Discourses (Berkeley, Calif.: North Atlantic Books, 1996). (back)

55. Quoted in San Francisco Chronicle, 17 May 2001. (back)

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Published July 7, 2003
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Swans
http://www.swans.com

Curly H. Wade

2005-12-10, 12:41 pm

Why Tibet?
HISTORY LEADING UP TO MARCH 10TH 1959
Immediately after the communist party took power in China in 1949 it
began asserting its claim that Tibet was part of Chinese territory and
its people were crying out for "liberation" from "imperialist forces"
and from the "reactionary feudal regime in Lhasa".
By October 1950 the People's Liberation Army had penetrated Tibet as
far as Chamdo the capital of Kham province and headquarters of the
Tibetan Army's Eastern Command. The region was routed and the Governor,
Ngawang Jigme Ngabo, taken prisoner. Chinese forces were also
stealthily infiltrating Tibet's north-eastern border Province, Amdo,
but avoiding military clashes which would alert international interest.

That year the 15-year-old Dalai Lama, his entourage and select
government officials, evacuated the capital and set up a provisional
administration near the Indian border at Yatung. In July 1951 they were
persuaded by Chinese Officials to return to Lhasa. On September 9,
1951, a vanguard of 3,000 Chinese "liberation forces" marched into the
capital.
By 1954, 222,000 members of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) were
stationed in Tibet and famine conditions became rampant as the
country's delicate subsistence agricultural system was stretched beyond
its capacity.
In April 1956, the Chinese inaugurated the Preparatory Committee for
the Autonomous Region of Tibet (PCART) in Lhasa, headed by the Dalai
Lama and ostensibly convened to modernize the country. In effect, it
was a rubber stamp committee set up to validate Chinese claims.
In the later fifties, Lhasa became increasingly politicized and a
non-violent resistance evolved, organized by Mimang Tsongdu, a popular
and spontaneous citizens' group. Posters denouncing the occupation went
up. Stones and dried yak dung were hurled at Chinese street parades.
During that period, when the directive from Beijing was still to woo
Tibetans rather than oppress them, only the more extreme Mimang Tsongdu
leaders and orators faced arrest.
In February 1956, revolt broke out in several areas in Eastern Tibet
and heavy casualties were inflicted on the Chinese occupation army by
local Kham and Amdo guerilla forces. Chinese troops were relocated from
Western to Eastern Tibet to strengthen their forces to 100,000 and
"clear up the rebels." Attempts to disarm the Khampas provoked such
violent resistance that the Chinese decided to take more militant
measures. The PLA then began bombing and pillaging monasteries in
Eastern Tibet, arresting nobles, senior monks and guerrilla leaders and
publicly torturing and executing them to discourage the large-scale and
punitive resistance they were facing.
In Lhasa, 30,000 PLA troops maintained a wary eye as refugees from the
fighting in distant Kham and Amdo swelled the population by around
10,000 and formed camps on the city's perimeter.
By December 1958, a revolt was simmering and the Chinese military
command was threatening to bomb Lhasa and the Dalai Lama's palace if
the unrest was not contained. To Lhasa's south and north-east 20,000
guerrillas and several thousand civilians had been engaging with
Chinese troops.
On March 1, 1959, while the Dalai Lama was preoccupied with taking his
Final Master of Metaphysics examination, two junior Chinese army
officers visited him at the sacred Jokhang cathedral and pressed him to
confirm a date on which he could attend a theatrical performance and
tea at the Chinese Army Headquarters in Lhasa. The Dalai Lama replied
that he would fix a date once the ceremonies had been completed
This was an extraordinary occurrence for two reasons: one, the
invitation was not conveyed through the Kashag (the Cabinet) as it
should have been; and two, the party was not at the palace where such
functions would normally have been held, but at the military
headquarters - and the Dalai Lama had been asked to attend alone.
March 7, 1959. The interpreter of General Tan Kuan-sen - one of the
three military leaders in Lhasa rang the Chief Official Abbot demanding
the date the Dalai Lama would attend their army camp. March 10 was
confirmed.
March 8, 1959. This was Women's Day, and the Patriotic Women's
Association was treated to a harangue by General Tan Kuan-sen in which
he threatened to shell and destroy monasteries if the Khampa guerrillas
refused to surrender. "... we knew that the ordinary people of Lhasa
were being driven to open rebellion against the Chinese though they
would have to fight machine-gunners with their bare hands", writes Mrs.
Rinchen Dolma (Mary) Taring in her autobiography, Daughter of Tibet.
March 9, 1959. At 8.00 am two Chinese officers visited the commander of
the Dalai Lama bodyguards' house and asked him to accompany them to see
Brigadier Fu at the Chinese military headquarters in Lhasa. Brigadier
Fu told him that on the following day there was to be no customary
ceremony as the Dalai Lama moved from the Norbulinka summer palace to
the army headquarters, two miles beyond. No armed bodyguard was to
escort him and no Tibetan soldiers would be allowed beyond the Stone
Bridge - a landmark on the perimeter of the sprawling army camp.
By custom, an escort of twenty-five armed guards always accompanied the
Dalai Lama and the entire city of Lhasa would line up whenever he went.
Brigadier Fu told the commander of the Dalai Lama's bodyguards that
under no circumstances should the Tibetan army cross the Stone bridge
and the entire procedure must be kept strictly secret.
The Chinese camp had always been an eyesore for the Tibetans and the
fact that the Dalai Lama was now to visit it would surely create
greater anxiety amongst the Tibetans.
March 10, 1959. The invitation provoked 30,000 loyal Tibetans to
surround the Norbulinka palace, forming an human sea of protection for
their Yeshe Norbu (nickname for the Dalai Lama, meaning "Precious
Jewel"). They feared he would be abducted to Beijing to attend the
upcoming Chinese National Assembly. This mobilization forced the Dalai
Lama to turn down the army leader's invitation. Instead he was held a
prisoner of devotion.
March 12, 1959. 5,000 Tibetan women marched through the streets of
Lhasa carrying banners demanding "Tibet for Tibetans" and shouting
"From today Tibet is Independent". They presented an appeal for help to
the Indian Consulate-General in Lhasa.
Mimang Tsongdu members and their supporters had erected barricades in
Lhasa's narrow streets while the Chinese militia had positioned sandbag
fortifications for machine guns on the city's flat rooftops. 3000
Tibetans in Lhasa signed their willingness to join the rebels manning
the valley's ring of mountains.
On March 15, 3000 of the Dalai Lama's bodyguards left Lhasa to position
themselves along an anticipated escape route. Khampa rebel leaders
moved their most trusted men to strategic points. Stalwarts of the
Tibetan Army merged with civilians to cover the chosen route. By this
time the Tibetans were out-numbered 25 to 2. An estimated 30,000 to
50,000 Chinese troops wielded modern weapons and had 17 heavy guns
surrounding the city. While the Chinese manned swiveling howitzers, the
Tibetans were wielding cannons into position with mules.
March 16, 1959. Chinese heavy artillery was seen being moved to sites
within range of Lhasa and particularly the Norbulinka. Rumours were
rife of more troops being flown in from China. By nightfall Lhasa was
certain that the Dalai Lama's palace was about to be shelled.
March 17, 1959 4 pm. The Chinese fired two mortar shells at the
Norbulinka. They landed short of the palace walls in a marsh. This
event triggered the Dalai Lama to finally decide to leave his homeland.

"... when the Chinese guns sounded that warning of death, the first
thought in the mind of every official within the Palace, and every
humble member of the vast concourse around it, was that my life must be
saved and I must leave the Palace and leave the city at once", recalls
His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama in his autobiography, My Land and My
People "There was no certainty that escape was physically possible at
all - Ngabo had assured us it was not.. If I did escape from Lhasa,
where was I to go, and how could I reach asylum? Everything was
uncertain, except the compelling anxiety of all my people to get me
away before the orgy of Chinese destruction and massacre began".
At 10 pm. on the night of March 17, wearing a soldier's uniform with a
gun slung over his shoulder, the Dalai Lama marched out of the
Norbulinka and onto the danger-filled road to India and freedom His
mother and elder sister had preceded him.
March 19, 1959. Fighting broke out in Lhasa late that night and raged
for two days of hand-to-hand combat with odds stacked hopelessly
against the Tibetan resistance.
At 2.00 am the Chinese started shelling NorbuLingka. The Norbulinka was
bombarded by 800 shells on March 21 Thousands of men, women and
children camped around the palace wall were slaughtered and the homes
of about 300 officials within the walls destroyed. In the aftermath 200
members of the Dalai Lama's bodyguard were disarmed and publicly
machine-gunned. Lhasa's major monasteries, Gaden, Sera and Drepung were
shelled -the latter two beyond repair - and monastic treasures and
precious scriptures destroyed. Thousands of their monks were either
killed on the spot, transported to the city to work as slave labour, or
deported. In house-to-house searches the residents of any homes
harbouring arms were dragged out and shot on the spot. Over 86,000
Tibetans in central Tibet were killed by the Chinese during this
period.
The Dalai Lama and his party crossed the Indian border at Khenzimane
Pass on March 31. Pandit Nehru announced on April 3 in the Indian
Parliament (Lok Sabha) that the Government of India had granted asylum
to the Dalai Lama. The party took a couple of days to reach Tawang the
headquaters of the West Kameng Frontier Division of the North East
Frontier Agency (NEFA), now known as the Tawang District of Arunachal
Pradesh.
The Dalai Lama stayed four days in Tawang where he had the opportunity
to visit the beautiful monastery Tawang Gompa and Urgyeling, the place
where the 6th Dalai Lama, Tsangyang Gyaltso spent his first years. The
Dalai Lama later proceeded to Bomdila where he was officially received
by an envoy of the Indian Government a welcome message from Nehru.
After a few days of rest, the party left for the plains of India.
On April 18, 1959, the Dalai Lama, his mother, sister, brother, three
ministers and around 80 other Tibetans crossed safely into India at
Tezpur, Assam, to be greeted by Indian officials and a Press corps of
nearly 200 correspondents, all eager for what they called "The Story of
the Century".
>From Tezpur he made his famous statement known as the Tezpur Statement in which he repudiated the 17 Point Agreement signed under duress" in 1951 in Beijing.

Genocide in Tibet

by Maura Moynihan
01/25/1998
>From THE WASHINGTON POST

January 25, 1998
"Kundun," Martin Scorsese's beautiful feature film about the early life
of the Dalai Lama of Tibet, is now playing at a theater near you.
Meanwhile, another work on Tibet has also been released recently. It is
the third report by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ)
titled: "Tibet: Human Rights and the Rule of Law." The general public
would surely applaud this latest ICJ publication if it knew more about
the work of this august body.

Without the attention and skill of these international jurists, based
in Geneva and led in this case by the Indian lawyer Purshottam
Trikamdas, the full extent of the biological and cultural genocide
inflicted upon the Tibetan people by Mao's armies would never have been
documented, verified and brought to the attention of the United
Nations.

On the night of March 17, 1959, the Dalai Lama escaped from Lhasa under
cover of night. On March 28, while still on Tibetan soil, he formally
repudiated China's infamous "17 Point Agreement for the Peaceful
Liberation of Tibet," upon which consenting Tibetan seals had been
forged in 1951. On March 31, exhausted and seriously ill, the Dalai
Lama set foot on Indian soil. While this history is affectingly
dramatized in Scorsese's film, this is where the film ends and the ICJ
reports begin.

After the flight of the Dalai Lama, Mao crushed Tibet with a vengeance.
Institutions of government and education were systematically destroyed;
the Buddhist religion was labeled a "disease to be eradicated"; nearly
1.2 million out of about 6 million died through armed conflict and
famine; large numbers of Tibetan children were forcibly taken from
their families and sent to Chinese orphanages for "reeducation."
Research suggests that close to 1 million Tibetans tried to escape to
India, Nepal, Bhutan or other regions of their country, but given the
vast distances, lack of food in mountainous terrain and military
invasion, most either surrendered to the Chinese or died in flight. In
the end, only 110,000 Tibetans survived the journey over the Himalayas
to join the Dalai Lama in India. The testimony of many of these
refugees was gathered by the ICJ and presented in its 1959 report "The
question of Tibet and the Rule of Law."

This refugee stream continued well into 1960, which compelled the ICJ
to issue a second report, titled "Tibet and the Chinese People's
Republic." Both reports are filled with first-person accounts of
atrocities, which began in Eastern and Northern Tibet in the early
1950s. The personal narratives are more powerful than any scholarly or
artistic endeavor, as they describe a grimly familiar, 20th-century,
state-sponsored genocide, justified by a new, scientific-materialist
ideology of "reform" and "progress," swiftly and efficiently enacted
with modern weaponry and just as swiftly and efficiently denied and
concealed, despite the ICJ confirmation of genocide and of Tibet's de
facto status as a sovereign state.

In recent years the Communist Chinese occupation of Tibet has, finally,
become an issue of concern. For nearly four decades hardly anyone would
come near it. Many accepted Chinese propaganda as fact. (As an
undergraduate I was ridiculed by my Asian studies professors for
suggesting that Tibet was not a "backward serfdom" that had been
"peacefully liberated" by the kindly Chairman Mao.) Conversely,
objective debate about Tibet is oftentimes hampered by what the
distinguished Tibetan intellectual Jamyang Norbu calls the "Shangri-La
Syndrome" -- i.e., a Western tendency to perceive all things Tibetan as
inherently mystical and otherworldly, instead of seeing Tibet in all
its human complexity.

The new ICJ report is free of either bias. Two years ago an American
human rights lawyer, Reed Brody, persuaded the ICJ to reexamine the
Tibet question in light of persecution that continues. The new 370-page
report documents the 1995 incarceration of the Panchen Lama, an
8-year-old child; the 1997 extension of martial law under the
"Spiritual Civilization Campaign," which labels Buddhism a "foreign
culture" to be eradicated; intensive "reeducation" of the Buddhist
clergy; population transfer; widespread torture and detention;
extrajudicial and arbitrary executions. The report calls for a
"referendum to be held in Tibet under United Nations supervision to
ascertain the wishes of the Tibetan people."

The People's Republic of China has thus far refused to address the
Tibet question with any credence. During his October 1997 visit to
Washington, China's President Jiang Zemin straightfacedly told Congress
that China "liberated" Tibet from "serfdom" and had the temerity to
compare himself to Abraham Lincoln, who emancipated the American
slaves.

Thanks to the efforts of Scorsese and Jean Jacques Annaud, director of
"Seven Years in Tibet," millions more people will learn of Tibet's very
existence. Americans who have been interviewed after seeing these films
have asked, "How come we never knew about this before" and, "What can
we do to help?" I recommend reading and supporting the ICJ reports. As
ICJ Secretary General Jean-Flavien Lalive wrote in July of 1959: "The
danger in such cases as that of Tibet is of a feeling of impotence and
powerlessness overcoming people in the face of a fait accompli. . . .
What happened in Tibet yesterday may happen in our own countries
tomorrow . . . [but] ideas will penetrate where bullets will not."